It all started with a small local scandal, in a country, Zambia, which is one of the poorest and least known in the world and which has only experienced economic growth in the last twenty years thanks to the mining industry. However, the country has remained what it was a hundred years ago, as Zambia was an English colony, Northern Rhodesia, and the marvelous backdrop of Victoria Falls and the thousand Bantu tribes was its hallmark: a land of forests and rivers, colors and scents, mountains and savannas – a land blessed by nature and climate precisely because it has been forgotten by industrial development. As multinationals turned their predatory gaze on Zambia at the turn of the 21st century, misery gave way to oppression and every little local scandal unfortunately turned out to be a sign of an underground social environment and so far incurable.
The little scandal we are talking about concerns Wynter Kabimba – one of the main collaborators of then President Michael Sata: certainly not a dictator or a bloodthirsty executioner, but a bureaucrat, born January 12, 1958 in Mumbwa district and graduated from the Faculty of Law in 1981. His homeland has more than a thousand years of history, archaeological excavations have found traces of civilizations dating back to the Pleistocene (so two million years), and Mumbwa itself, which is two centuries old, is the crossroads of dozens of peoples who came after fleeing distant wars: in the heart of a valley where cotton has been cultivated for centuries and where different languages and dialects are spoken – a kind of natural paradise that is now overwhelmed by the construction of military bases and the opening of gold and copper mines, all that damaging the environment.
Wynter Kabimba is a civil servant who (after 15 years) was promoted to head of administration for the capital Lusaka. His career has paralleled that of Michael Sata. Kabimba will serve as Sata’s legal advisor along several years. He was elected governor of Lusaka district (1986-1988) and later as Minister of Housing in the Sata government. Sata would fight in the arena all his life, while Kabimba left politics in 1995, disheartened by the electoral victory of President Frederick Chiluba, who heads one of the most corrupt regimes in the world.
A career in the shadow of the president
Kabimba returned to the political arena in 2008, after the death of Chiluba’s successor, Levy Mwanawasa: in April 2009, he was elected secretary general of the Patriotic Front (PF), the party’s highest political body. In this role, he is responsible for the general administration of the party and coordinates contacts with the base dispersed across the country and the parliamentarians sitting in Lusaka – and he does this so well that the Patriotic Front, born in 2009, wins the victory in the 2011 elections – these which bring to power Michael Sata, protector and friend of Kabimba. Friendships aside, Mumbwa’s lawyer has the merit of structuring and organizing the party, extending its political activism and electoral victories to all corners of Zambia and securing its internal democracy.
He was appointed Minister of Justice and promised to fight corruption. He proclaimed to foreign investors that “the government is not interested in those who come to Zambia to commit corruption“. A few months later, his head was the first to take the risk of falling: in December 2012, Wynter Kabimba was invited to appear before the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) to answer allegations that Trafigura, a multinational trading company, had paid bribes to broker Midland Energy Zambia to win a $ 500 million contract from the State to supply gasoline and diesel. Midland Energy turns out to be a small shell company whose board member and majority shareholder is Kabimba.
Michael Sata intervenes in the defense of his squire: According to the complaint of the CDDR (Coalition for the Defense of Democratic Rights), the president asks the judges to leave his Minister of Justice alone. They acquitted him for lack of evidence, but the press and public opinion believe the decision was the result of political pressure from the president. Opponents of the PF did not give up: on January 13, 2014, after a complaint by civil rights activist Brebner Changala and former senator Lucky Mulusa, a new case against Kabimba was opened and he was charged with abuse of power. Again, a stalemate due to insufficient evidence, no conviction.
Suddenly, in the summer of 2014, Michael Sata fell seriously ill – even though they were trying to keep the news a secret. At the end of September, the situation worsened to the point that the president’s family decided to transport him to London and his illness became public knowledge. Everyone believed Kabimba will lead the government during his absence, but Sata and his squire argue: Wynter Kabimba is dismissed from his post as Minister of Justice and head of the PF. Soon after, Kabimba is also expelled from the party. He is even accused of having poisoned the president. Minister of Defense Edgar Lungu assumes the role of regent. Michael Sata died in a London hospital on October 28, 2014 and hours later Lungu was sworn in as the new president.
Kabimba plans to take revenge and founds a new party, the Rainbow Party (RP), whose intentions are to take power against the PF and its new leader. However, the figure of Kabimba was struck by a new scandal: in June 2014, he himself admitted that as Minister of Justice he had illegally imported several hundred Kenyan citizens into Zambia in order to make them vote for the FP. The immigration service is lukewarm about the matter, which did not affect the elections, but Kabimba’s reputation is forever shattered. Lungu will be elected president in the 2016 elections, the RP has only 0.26% in the presidential elections and 0.95% in the legislative elections (i.e. no seats).
The life and death of an ambitious thug
Faced with the RP’s blame in the elections, international NGOs are now wondering if, in reality, with regard to Kabimba, the president himself could be at the origin of the corruption incidents. This was a man who came out of nowhere and was born on July 6, 1937 in the remote village of Chitulika – in the province of Mpika, one of the most beautiful and remote places in the world: the size of Hungary, where, in the 1930s, no more than 25,000 people of the Tumbuka ethnicity lived, spread in dozens of villages – they arrived there between the 17th and 19th centuries because they were harassed and persecuted by tribal warfare in the eastern Congo.
It is a traditional domain of Catholic missionaries who made it the seat of the most important archdiocese of Rhodesia after the war. Michael Sata studied in his missionary schools but was expelled at the age of 19 for several acts of violence against his comrades. He joined the Northern Rhodesia police, but was fired because he had been sentenced to two years in prison for violent crimes. After six months he was released under unclear circumstances and moved to England, where he worked as a laundry clerk, then as a porter and finally as a cleaner on the railways.
At the age of 25, Michael Sata returned to Lusaka as a worker at Roberts Construction (a multinational construction company based in Dubai) and became National Secretary of NUECGW, the Zambian Construction Workers Union – an organization pro-Soviet. This puts him in close contact with the freedom fighters of the UNIP, the United Independence Party, which was in power in Zambia during those years. In 1963, UNIP sent him to Moscow, to a military university, to train as a trade unionist and political commissar. In February 1964, he joined the youth management team of UNIP – a group known for its ideological aggressiveness and willingness to fight.
From 1973 to 1990, Sata led the UNIP, a dictatorial party supported by Moscow. As UNIP, in year 1991, accepted democratic elections under pressure from the International Monetary Fund, Frederick Chilubas and his newborn MMD (Movement for Multiparty Democracy) won the elections. Disappointed with his party, Sata left UNIP in 2000 to join the MMD. He was elected three times to Parliament, appointed Minister of Local Government and Housing, then Minister of Labor and Social Services, then Minister of Health. In 2001, Michael Sata left the party in opposition to outgoing President Frederick Chiluba, who appointed Levy Mwanawasa as his successor, and founded the PF. He remained in opposition for a decade, during which time he was defeated by Mwanawasa in the 2001 election.
On April 16, 2002, he was arrested for stealing a car. He says the allegations are political pretexts. On July 23, 2005, he was arrested for sedition and espionage for having supported the striking miners: The Minister of Mining Development publicly defines him as a “terrorist attacking the governability of Zambia“. He was arrested on August 8. Sata defends herself, denies any allegation and declares himself a victim of political persecution. In 2006, as he ran for president, he lost the election amid mounting violent protests by protesters and complained of electoral fraud.
On December 5, 2006, he was still facing legal problems: Sata was arrested for property tax fraud. An accusation which, if confirmed, would have cost him two years in prison – which would have ended his political career. Lee Habasonda, executive director of the South African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes, said the arrest was unjustified and was the result of President Mwanawasa’s revenge. In 2008, he runs again and loses again: in this case too, Sata speaks of fraud and accuses the electoral commission of manipulating the results of the census. On September 20, 2011, Sata finally won the presidential election against Rupiah Banda, MMD candidate. A victory marked by the inevitable popular uprisings which take place mainly in the mining region.
He remained an uneducated tyrant: violent, determined, rude, bossy, and with a sharp tongue, as long as many called him the King Cobra for his cruelty. Its cruelty also puts the country in difficulty in matters of foreign policy. But after his election, his critical stance on China, which has billions of contracts for Zambian mines (the enemy of its election propaganda), was drastically reduced. He remains a man notorious for being rude and corrupt, especially after international NGOs realized that Kabimba was nothing more than a puppet in his hands and are seriously investigating the possibility that Trafigura also corrupted and supported the president, during an election campaign, in exchange for the mining concessions that Sata had promised to withdraw from Chinese industry.
Sata’s presidency lasts for a very short time: after a final public appearance since returning from New York in September 2014, the president is no longer participating in a public ceremony – this is very serious. On October 19, 2014, he flew to London to enter the hospital. This will be his last trip. He died on October 28, the causes of death are not revealed. No one believes his son Mulenga Sata, who claims he died of a heart attack.
Trafigura: the shadow behind the shadow of the president
The group Trafigura Pte. Ltd is a Singapore-based multinational trading company that was founded in 1993 and is the world’s largest reseller of mining products and the world’s second-largest oil trading group after Vitol. It was founded by French trader Claude Dauphin, who worked for Marc Rich for years: a businessman who lived between Israel, the United States, and Switzerland and was persecuted, convicted and pardoned over 60 both for its political and commercial intrigues. Rich is the founder of the Glencore mining industry, and died in Switzerland in June 2013 at the age of 78. Dauphin learned from his mentor and built a business without any transparency. The holding company (Farringford NV) is hidden away in Willemstad on the island of Curacao, an extremely protective tax haven for its clients.
Trafigura does not mine for oil or minerals, it just buys and sells them and finds itself in a situation where multinational mining companies are its excellent competitors. To stay in the market, he must reach even the most remote and risky parts of the world, keep prices as low as possible, or bribe government officials to buy expensive Trafigura products.
Zambia is an important partner of this multinational, because the company founded by Claude Dauphin dreams of rebuilding the road route of more than 2000 km which connects Mozambique (between Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo) to the Angolan port of Lobito – it becomes the only great alternative to the Great Road, which the Chinese are building between Egypt, Ethiopia and the Angolan coast. These are bonds for tens and tens of billions that can mean the success or failure of a business, and for which people is ready to fight mercilessly, with all means available – because the story of the little more than 25 years old Trafigura is full of scandals. Here are the most famous.
Oil for Food. In mid-2005, Trafigura was embroiled in an investigation that found it was working under the Oil for Food program – the 1995 United Nations trade plan (a major diplomatic failure) – to allow Iraq Saddam Hussein’s to sell oil but not buy weapons – a program that has caused billions of illegal transactions. Trafigura Beheer BV, a Dutch subsidiary, leases a turbine tanker registered in Liberia, Essex, to load Iraqi crude oil between May 13 and August 27, 2001. After the cargo has been certified by the authorities, the company fills the tanker with 272,000 additional illegal barrels, which are sold in secret, the product of which is beyond the control of the United Nations. The fraud is somehow noticed. Trafigura finally negotiates $ 9.9 million in compensation between criminal and civil penalties.
Probo Koala and the toxic waste dumping – In 2006, Trafigura chartered the tanker Probo Koala to transport 84,989 tonnes of naphtha, the residue from petroleum processing. Negotiations with certain specialized companies (one from Amsterdam and one from Lagos) on the treatment of toxic waste have failed. Trafigura transfers the assignment to Compagnie Tommy Inc., a Canadian company that has now been forcibly liquidated for non-formalities. In violation of the law, on August 19, 2006, the Compagnie Tommy dumped 528 tons of toxic materials into the environment in 12 illegal landfills near Abidjan (Ivory Coast), causing an environmental disaster of serious proportions and poisoning many inhabitants: 500 tonnes of a mixture of fuel, hydrogen sulfide and sodium hydroxide known as caustic soda are also released into the environment, killing 17 people and making more than 200,000 sick.
It is for this reason that Trafigura is sued in the courts of Côte d’Ivoire, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom and condemned each time: she is forced to compensate the Ivorian government with 198 million dollars for sanitation. environmental damage and damage to victims to the tune of 1.3 million euros. Netherlands, £ 30 million in compensation for 29,614 plaintiffs represented by British law firm Leigh Day & Co.
Sløvåg tanker explosion – At the center of this dramatic story is Vest Tank ApS, a company based in Hvide Sande, Denmark, which was founded in 2002, went bankrupt in 2016 and signed a contract with Trafigura in 2007 for the desulphurization of poor quality rooster fuel. On May 24, 2007, Vest Tank washes the vessel with hydrochloric acid while treating the cargo residues from the vessel and after pumping the residues into its own tanks, this proceed creates a highly unstable volatile mixture. The explosion was inevitable, due to the triggering of a faulty carbon filter: the accident created a toxic cloud that spread over a wide area until it reached Eivindvik, a town about 20 km away with a population of 1000 inhabitants.
The Vest Tank investigation opens an important and troubling chapter: it is found that Trafigura, which does not appear to be directly responsible for the incident, in fact generally relies on these practices to refine inexpensive and low-quality fuel and transforming its own thanks to tankers transporting hazardous waste: an activity strictly prohibited in Europe which led to the conviction in July 2010 of the company for illegal waste trafficking, in particular given the recurrence of the crime following the case Probo Koala.
Corruption in Jamaica – In 2006, Trafigura was accused of transferring large sums of money to the National People’s Party (PNP) in exchange for promising raw material licenses if the PNP won the elections. The case is brought up by Jamaican opposition leader Bruce Golding, who has a copy of a bank statement showing that Trafigura paid more than $ 31 million to an association called CCOC – a bank account and association owned at PNP, and controlled by General Secretary Colin Campbell and other colleagues in his party. The case is still ongoing.
Arms trade in South Sudan – According to the President of South Sudan, Salva Kiir, Trafigura bought a cargo of oil in 2012, which was loaded onto the Ratna Shradha, an Indian-flagged vessel, as this vessel has already been confiscated by South Sudanese judicial authorities. However, Trafigura does not change its behavior: in 2019, still in South Sudan, the company is involved in an arms trade case. The NGO Public Eye discovered two documents dating from January 2016, in which we can read a payment of 45 million dollars, which was made by Trafigura into a bank account in the name of ZIVHG Ltd, and an additional 35 million dollars deposited in the Department of Finance and Economic Planning of South Sudan. ZIVHG is a company owned by Israel Ziv, an oil trader who, according to OFAC (Office Foreign Assets Control), supplied arms and ammunition to the South Sudanese government and its oppositional Forces for around $ 150 million. The conclusions of Public Eye are clear: with this money, with which the oil company has armed two opposing factions in the civil war, Trafigura has acquired the right (which still exists) to sell oil and minerals to the government of South Sudan forever.
Corruption in Angola – Thanks to an investigation by Energy Compass magazine, in September 2013 a common network of illegal payments was brought to light. This time the goal is not to get Angolans to buy oil from Trafigura, as this country, through the state-owned Sonangol, has its own oil in large quantities – it is about selling Angolan oil at unbeatable prices. In 2009, Claude Dauphin founded a number of companies in Singapore (also the headquarters of Trafigura), whose shareholders include two Angolan generals, Leopoldino Fragoso do Nascimento and his boss, General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias “Kopelipa”, who are at the head of the Presidential Guard. These companies (Cochan Ltd. Nassau, Cochan Pte. Ltd. Singapore, DTS Holdings Pte. Ltd. Singapore, Sonangol Comercialização Internacional Ltd. Luanda and Pumangol Ltda. Luanda) receive contracts and installments for the marketing of the refined oil produced by Sonangol for the sum of 931 million dollars (2010), then for 3.3 billion dollars (2011). These companies resell it with a profit of around 20%, a profit that is shared between Trafigura and key employees of Angolan President José Eduardo Dos Santos.
Gianluca Savoini and the illegal financing of Lega Nord – According to a research by the Milanese weekly L’Espresso, published in February 2019, the journalist Gianluca Savoini, friend and collaborator of Matteo Salvini, at that time vice-president of the Italian government and minister of Interior, meets five other unidentified Italian and Russian personalities at the Metropol Hotel in Moscow to negotiate a possible deal to finance Salvini’s party with $ 65 million from the sale of Russian oil, sustaining the Lega party and his Campaign election for the European elections. In support of this investigation, Buzz Feed News is releasing the full transcript of an audio recording documenting a 75-minutes-session, that even Vladimir Putin allegedly attended.
In the meeting, in which the details of the establishment of illegal financing will be explicitly discussed, the possibilities of transit of fuels from a Russian company to ENI, which were repeatedly mentioned in the conversation, will be discussed, using various intermediaries. Trafigura is nominated twice – because it would be able to transfer funds to usable party accounts; Even banks, according to their plans, have to be big banks to avoid money laundering controls.
The purpose of the operation is obvious: Italy purchases methane, gasoline, kerosene, crude oil, gas and other energy products abroad, only a part of which is extracted or bought by ENI – the rest is bought on the open market. In the past, as Silvio Berlusconi was Prime Minister, Vladimir Putin made a deal with him (whereby bribes were paid, which were the subject of a judicial investigation, which never arrived to court) to help Russian producers in the Italian market. Today, while the Lega is the second largest Italian party, Moscow is changing speakers – the same as Trafigura does.
Operation Car Wash in Brazil – The names of Glencore, Vitol and Trafigura have appeared in an investigation and made headlines since the start of 2015. It shows the biggest scandal Brazil has ever seen and is possibly one of the biggest corruption scandals in the world. A dense network between entrepreneurs and politicians who illegally acquires contracts and then hides criminal acts behind the proceeds: money laundering, manipulated contracts and illegal financing. Trafigura is being investigated along with the other two companies Vitol and Glencore for paying bribes to state-owned oil company Petrobras for government procurement. The investigation is still ongoing and Trafigura is increasingly involved in the hurricane of criminal proceedings initiated by the Brazilian authorities.
Denis Gokana’s magic tricks – This man, president of SNPC (Société Nationale de Pétroles du Congo), as well as friend and personal advisor of Congolese President Denis Sassou-Nguesso, worked with the management of Trafigura to develop a spectacular method for financing the political movement of the president and thus supports the Brazzaville regime: Trafigura pays loans to two companies specified by Gokana (Sphynx Bermuda Ltd. Hamilton and Africa Oil and Gas Corporation SA Brazzaville) in the amount of 650 million of dollars, which are divided into thousand flows, and in return, SNPC provides oil worth 1.4 billion dollars, which is produced by the Congolese state oil company, of which Gokana is himself president, in exchange for the loan (plus interest). The complaint by London-based NGO Global Witness has so far had no consequences.
The possible fight against bad apples
Over the years, Trafigura’s reputation has created serious problems for the normal development of the multinational’s activities. The death of founder Claude Dauphin, who died of pancreatic cancer in a Bogota hospital at the age of 64, forced the company to take a radical decision: the new president, the Australian geologist Jeremy Weir, presents the results Trafigura annuals for the first time in a public event and promises to address profound changes in the direction of greater transparency. With a bold and unexpected move, he concludes all collaborations with all intermediaries at the same time, putting an end to 25 years of corrupt practices.
Since then, Trafigura has worked directly with the energy ministries of each country and still does so publicly. Of course, this decision does not at all preclude the existence of bureaucrats or politicians within these ministries who ask for a kick-back, a bribe, a slice of cake, a stake in a brokerage firm in order to sign a contract, but it is a first step. As for Zambia’s earthly paradise, things haven’t changed much under the current presidency of Edgar Lungu, although the bad apples Michael Sata and Wynter Kabimba are no longer there.
However, I will talk about it in a future article. At least in the ranking of countries with the lowest corruption rate in the world, Zambia moved up to 113th place in 2019 – although far better than its neighbors, which are almost all around 150th place or worse, at the bottom of a list of 180 countries. This confirms my deep conviction: the man was not kicked out of the Garden of Eden because Eve ate an apple, but because Adam made them all rot by his corruption.
 James L. Newman, “The Peopling of Africa: A Geographic Interpretation” Yale University Press, New Haven 1995; Christopher Ehret, “An African Classical Age: Eastern and Southern Africa in World History, 1000 B.C. to A.D. 400”, James Currey Publishing, London 1998; Kevin Shillington, “History of Africa”, St. Martin’s Press, New York 2005
 Andrew Roberts, “A history of Zambia”, Holmes & Meier Publishing, New York 1976
 https://web.archive.org/web/20080609003037/ ; http://www.news24.com/News24/Africa/News/0,,2-11-1447_2015932,00.html ; http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3302419.stm ; https://web.archive.org/web/20071001000417/ ; http://www.news24.com/News24/Africa/News/0,,2-11-1447_2019091,00.html ; http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6624547.stm
 https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/za.html ; https://web.archive.org/web/20080614095733/ ; http://www.africaliberalnetwork.org/newsletter_item.aspx?i_PageID=1420&i_NewsID=24
 https://www.lusakatimes.com/2014/11/28/wynter-kabimba-resigns-pf/ ; https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2014-08-28/zambian-president-fires-justice-minister-amid-succession-battle ; https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-28975016
 https://zambiareports.com/2012/12/07/satas-soft-approach-on-anti-corruption-comes-under-fire/ ; Marc Guéniot, Marietta Harjono, Andreas Missbach, Gian Valentino Viredaz, “Dirty Diesel: How Swiss traders flood Africa with toxic fuels”, Public Eye, Lausanne 2006, pages 46-47 – see https://issuu.com/erklaerungvbern/docs/2016_dirtydiesel_a-public-eye-inves/46
 Yizende A. Chondoka, “A history of the Tumbuka from 1400 to 1900”, Xlibris Publishing, Bloomington (Indiana, USA) 2015
 John Kombe, “A political discourse on Michael Chilufya Sata, the man of action: His vision and legacy”, Dr. Dickson Banda Publisher, Lusaka 2016, pages 23-25
 Giacomo Macola, “Nkumbula, UNIP, and the Roots of Authoritarianism in Nationalist Zambia”, in “Liberal Nationalism in Central Africa – a biography of Harry Mwaanga Nkumbula”, Palgrave Macmillan, New York 2010, pages 73-94; see also https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/history-in-africa/article/archives-of-zambias-united-national-independence-party/598A1C6BCA73ADDA61636F8FF6B8A779
 P. Ebow Bondzi-Simpson, “The Law and Economic Development in the Third World”, Praeger Publishers, Westport (Connecticut, USA) 1992, pages 22-43
 Frank M. Chitambala, “History of the United National Independence Party”, originally published from the author in Lusaka in 1984, quoted in the edition made by the Indiana University, Bloomington (USA) 2010
 https://zambiareports.com/2012/12/07/satas-soft-approach-on-anti-corruption-comes-under-fire/ ; https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/dec/03/trafigura-zambia-bribery-allegations ; https://www.u4.no/publications/sub-saharan-africa-overview-of-corruption-and-anti-corruption
 https://zambianeye.com/politicisation-of-petroleum-supply-to-zambia-as-senior-ministry-of-energy-officers-arrested/ ; https://www.zambiadailynation.com/2015/04/30/trafigura-in-oil-scandal-again/ ; https://www.zambiadailynation.com/2015/03/20/wynter-disowns-trafigura/ ; https://issuu.com/erklaerungvbern/docs/2016_dirtydiesel_a-public-eye-inves/46
 Daniel Amman, “The King of oil: The secret lives of Marc Rich”, St. Martin’s Press, New York 2009
 https://www.trafigura.com/financials/2020-interim-results/ ; https://www.trafigura.com/trafigura-in-brief/ ; https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/sep/16/inside-trafigura-pollution-conservatives
 https://www.theguardian.com/theobserver/2001/may/13/features.magazine37 ; https://www.lemonde.fr/archives/article/2001/01/31/la-grace-du-milliardaire-marc-rich-dernier-scandale-de-bill-clinton_4155944_1819218.html ; https://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/27/business/marc-rich-pardoned-financier-dies-at-78.html?hpw&_r=0
 https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2013/06/27/marc-rich-mort-d-un-pirate_3437755_3234.html ; Daniel Amman, “The King of oil: The secret lives of Marc Rich”, St. Martin’s Press, New York 2009
 https://www.metalbulletin.com/Article/2390796/INTERVIEW-Trafigura-will-buy-up-to-25-of-Zambias-copper.html ; https://www.trafigura.com/media/2399/2019-trafigura-in-africa-brochure.pdf ; https://www.trafigura.com/responsibility/case-studies/putting-copperbelt-production-on-the-line/
 https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2009/may/13/trafigura-ivory-coast-documents-toxic-waste ; https://web.archive.org/web/20111001021153/ ; http://www.voanews.com/english/news/a-13-2006-11-23-voa22.html
 https://www.trafigura.com/probo-koala/ ; https://www.reuters.com/article/us-ivorycoast-toxic-release-idUSL1461558720070214 ; http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8347513.stm ; https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-10735255
 https://www.nrk.no/dokumentar/coker-gasoline-_-low-quality-1.6105347 ; https://www.nrk.no/dokumentar/a-small-pawn-in-the-game-1.6104888 ; https://www.nrk.no/dokumentar/vest-tank-sweetened-coker-gasoline-1.6104693
 https://www.nrk.no/emne/trafigura-og-slovag-eksplosjonen-1.2847739 ; https://fido.nrk.no/7e3289cadd00f45c3e240507861a17b99dc9a415ed1e93c7acb38af7152abc91/METODERAPPORT%20-%20Mitt%20skip%20er%20lastet%20med.pdf
 http://www.energyintel.com/pages/articlesummary/781232/angola–what-s-behind-trafigura-s-ejection-from-products-swap- ; https://www.publiceye.ch/fileadmin/doc/Rohstoffe/2013_PublicEye_Trafiguras_Business_in_Angola_EN_Report.pdf
 http://www.energyintel.com/pages/articlesummary/781232/angola–what-s-behind-trafigura-s-ejection-from-products-swap- ; https://www.publiceye.ch/fileadmin/doc/Rohstoffe/2013_PublicEye_Trafiguras_Business_in_Angola_EN_Report.pdf
 https://www.confartigianato.it/2020/01/studi-da-iraq-e-libia-il-314-dellimport-di-petrolio-con-20-barile-petrolio-il-pil-cala-di-71-miliardi-e-04-punti/ ; https://www.ilsole24ore.com/art/il-petrolio-arriva-iraq-e-azerbaigian-AE1YKyQ ; https://www.quattroruote.it/news/ecologia/2017/10/18/petrolio_l_iraq_guida_le_importazioni_italiane.html
 “Rigged: Where has republic of Congo oil’s money gone?”, Global Witness, London 2020; https://www.emia.org/news/story/2733 ; https://www.globalwitness.org/en/archive/7563/ ; https://minbane.wordpress.com/tag/denis-gokana/